1.4 - Measuring Crime: Victim Surveys
The crime survey for england and wales
The Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) is a major national victim survey that provides detailed insights into crime experiences. It began in 1981 as the British Crime Survey (BCS) and has evolved to cover a wide range of offences, including those not captured in police records.
Methodology of the CSEW
The CSEW uses a standardised questionnaire to collect data through face-to-face interviews conducted by trained researchers. In March 2017, for example, it involved approximately 38,000 adults aged 16 and over, plus 4,500 children aged 10 to 15. Interviewers use laptop computers to record responses, ensuring consistency and efficiency.
Participants are informed about the survey's aims and objectives, with guarantees of anonymity and confidentiality to encourage honest reporting. The survey focuses on experiences of crime in the previous 12 months, and its methodology has remained largely unchanged since 1981, making it reliable for tracking long-term trends.
Purpose and use of CSEW data
The CSEW compares its findings with official crime statistics to estimate under-reporting and the dark figure of crime. For instance, it has shown that up to four in ten crimes may not be reported to the police.
Beyond crime rates, the survey measures attitudes towards policing and the criminal justice system, as well as experiences of anti-social behaviour and its impact on quality of life. This data helps identify social groups most at risk, informing the design of crime prevention programmes.
Strengths of victim surveys
Victim surveys offer several advantages in studying crime and deviance, particularly by addressing limitations in official statistics.
Key strengths
- Inclusion of unreported crimes - They capture the dark figure of crime, revealing offences not reported to or recorded by the police, which provides a more accurate estimate of total crime levels.
- Coverage of emerging crimes - Surveys like the CSEW include new types of offences, such as fraud and online crimes, which may not yet be fully reflected in official data.
- Identification of at-risk groups - By analysing victim data, surveys highlight social groups vulnerable to crime, enabling targeted prevention efforts.
- Documentation of anti-social behaviour - They record experiences of non-criminal issues like anti-social behaviour, showing how these affect people's daily lives and well-being.
- Measurement of public attitudes - Surveys assess views on policing and the justice system, offering insights into public trust and satisfaction.
- Reliable methodology - The consistent approach of surveys like the CSEW, unaffected by changes in police recording practices, makes them ideal for analysing long-term crime trends.
Weaknesses of victim surveys
Despite their benefits, victim surveys have limitations that can affect their accuracy and usefulness.
Key weaknesses
- Reliance on memory - Victims' recollections of traumatic events can be unreliable, leading to subjective exaggeration or "telescoping," where incidents are mentally shifted forward or backward in time.
- Unawareness of certain crimes - People may not realise they have been victims of hidden offences, such as corporate crime, green crime, or state crime, as noted by Marxists.
- Selective recognition of victims - According to Watts, Bessant, and Hil, surveys only identify victims that the state officially recognises, potentially overlooking others.
- Exclusion of victimless crimes - Offences without direct victims, like drug possession, are not covered; while surveys may ask about self-reported crimes, this data is considered unreliable.
- Limited insight into high-crime areas - Realist sociologists like Young and Lea argue that surveys underrepresent the daily realities of living in inner cities or deprived estates, where residents face higher risks of property crime, violent crime, or repeat victimisation.
- Distortion of crime severity - Pilkington points out that surveys may downplay the impact of violent and sexual offences, which are fewer in number but more traumatic, as evidenced by longer prison sentences for these crimes (35% of prisoners serve time for them).
- Unrepresentative samples - Ellington criticises the CSEW for over-representing groups like owner-occupiers and 16- to 24-year-olds, while under-representing the unemployed, the homeless, and inner-city residents with high crime exposure.
Other victim surveys and their findings
In addition to the CSEW, sociologists have conducted localised victim surveys to explore crime's impact in specific areas. These studies, often influenced by Left Realist perspectives, focus on how crime affects everyday life and highlight inequalities in victimisation.
The Islington Crime Survey
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Background - The Islington Crime Survey (ICS) was conducted in 1984 by Left Realists John Lea and Jock Young. This survey targeted a specific inner-city area in London to examine residents' experiences of crime.
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Results - The survey found that a third of households had experienced crimes like mugging, with residents in deprived areas viewing crime as a major problem that increased fear, especially after dark.
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Conclusions - It revealed that poorer people, ethnic minorities, and inner-city residents face higher risks and frequent victimisation, often unable to "design crime out" of their lives through security measures.
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Evaluation - The ICS justified women's fear of crime, showing it as a rational response to under-reported sexual offences and domestic incidents.
The Merseyside Crime Survey
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Background - The Merseyside Crime Survey (MCS) was carried out by Kinsey, focusing on a specific region in northwest England.
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Results - It identified high victimisation rates among vulnerable groups, including the poor and ethnic minorities, with frequent offences rather than isolated incidents.
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Conclusions - The survey emphasised that these groups are common targets for muggers and thieves, and it supported the idea that female fear of crime is grounded in reality, particularly for under-reported sexual and domestic crimes.